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2019年01月18日 01:18:45来源:飞度咨询名医

  • 35 dollars for peanut butter? I got 1.23 dollar Jiffy inside.破花生酱要收我35美元 我家有1.23美元的杰菲花生酱Then he tells me its 75 dollars per possum that he removes.没除掉一只负鼠要收我75美元Where are you taking the possum?你要把负鼠送去哪里He says I drive them 35 miles away,I let them go in Malibu.他说 我开到35英里之外 在马布里放生I dont believe a word this guy is telling me.我才不要相信那家伙的话呢I think he goes down the block,lets it out.我觉得他会走到街口就把它放掉He is making 75 dollars on the same possum.I said,do you think Im dumb?然后靠这同一只负鼠再赚75美元 我说 你以为我傻啊First one we catch,I spray paint it.Im pegging the possum.抓到第一只之后 我要给它喷漆 我要追溯这只负鼠The guy came over,I have never seen a blue one before.那家伙过来说 我以前没见过蓝色的负鼠I say yeah,If I see it again,were going to have a problem.Now take the thing to Malibu.我说 对 如果我再见到它 我可不会放过你 把它送到马里布去吧I dont know if you people ever had like a trap in your yard.不知道你们家院子里有没有陷阱It brings excitement to the house.陷阱会给家里带来刺激A few hours,me and my wife were going to the window.Did we catch anything out there?几小时后 我和老婆走到窗前 我们抓到什么了吗201610/471479。
  • Somebody went oop.But no,its...有人欢呼 不是的 是youre the kind of guy that,you are not uncomfortable being naked, you know?你是那种 你不介意裸体吗Well it depends on the setting.Sometimes its, I think its super funny.要看什么环境了 有时我会觉得这很好玩You think being mude is fumny? Very funny你觉得裸体很好玩 非常好玩Something I used to do a lot then I stopped was I thought,This could go anywhere.我以前经常做一件事 后来不这么干了 这后面的走势太不好说了It sounds like there are detectives watching that are leaning forward.听上去像是 在听节目的警探 都聚精会神了起来Ive been looking for that guy.我一直找这家伙呢I used to go into kind of like public restrooms.我以前会去公共洗手间Id stand at a urinal and pull my pants all the way down like a kid.站在小便器前 把裤子一直脱到脚踝 像孩子那样 Really? And stand like a little kid.真的 站姿也像小孩一样As a grown man I would do this and you dont expect to see it.Right.Its funny to me.但我是作为成年人这么做 这种场面不多见 是吧 我觉得挺好玩的I have to say a grown man doing that is funny but youre doing this in public?我得说 成年人这么做是挺好玩的 但你要在公共场合这么做Well, I was. Usually for the benefit of a friend that I might be peeing with.是啊 一般是为了跟我一起尿尿的朋友But, you know, the last time I did it I was on a, I was on a press tour我最后一次这么做的时候 我当时在进行巡回宣传and we were at this much music.I remember it was in Canada, it was like their mtv. We were in the...同行的有杰森·席格尔 我们当时在加拿大的“好多音乐” 就像他们那边的MTV台I had to go to the restroom before we go on air我说我们做节目前我得先去趟洗手间and I knew he was going to go too so I ran in first and I did it.我知道他也要去 我先跑进去 这么做了There was no one else there so I was bare ass standing at然后那么做了 当时厕所里没有别人201607/452332。
  • The Labour Partys funk工党的下坡路Running out of road背离大路Labour is an increasingly unpopular party with lots of popular policies工党政策广受称赞,自己却日益遭嫌IF POLITICAL platforms were the sum of their parts, the Labour Party would tower over its rivals. In recent months Ed Miliband, its leader, has produced several overwhelmingly popular policies. According to YouGov, a polling firm, voters support the partys plan to increase the top rate of income tax by three to one. By about the same margin they like its talk of tackling dodgy landlords, blocking foreign takeovers of British firms and boosting the minimum wage.如果政治舞台是所有因素的综合体,那么工党必称霸政坛。近几个月,工党党首埃德·米利班德提出了几条非常受欢迎的政策。根据民调机构YouGov的数据显示,工党提高所得税最高税率的计划,得到选民持的比率为三比一。但也有同样比例的选民持政府对付狡猾的房东,限制外资收购英国企业,并且提高最低工资标准。Yet Labours polling lead over the Conservative Party is slipping. According to YouGov it has fallen from an average of seven points in November to two-and-a-half points in May so far. It is quite possible that the populist right-wing UK Independence Party will beat Labour to first place in elections to the European Parliament on May 22nd (see next story). Not long ago Labour staffers were confidently describing the European vote as a dry run for the general election, due to be held in a years time.然而工党领先保守党的优势正在慢慢缩小。根据YouGov的数据显示,从去年平均领先7个百分点,滑落到今年五月的2.5个百分点。在5月22日的欧洲议会选举上,民粹主义右翼独立党极有可能干掉工党,夺得头筹(详见专文)。不久之前,工党的工作人员言之凿凿地把欧洲议会的表决,形容成一年之后大选的预演。Labour, then, is an increasingly unloved party with increasingly popular policies. What explains this? The familiar answer is to blame the messenger. Mr Miliband struggles to appeal to voters through the mass media, often coming across as pleading and uncomfortable. His team have hired a broadcast expert and David Axelrod, who helped Barack Obama win two presidential elections, to improve their mans performance and messages. A series of awkward interviews in the run up to the European vote suggested that both would have their work cut out.渐渐的,工党成了一个政策越来越受欢迎,而本身却越来越不是受欢迎的政党。怎么解释这个现象?都是相似的:都是信使惹的祸。米利班德努力试图借助大众传媒来笼络民心,常常会流露出恳求和不安。他的团队已经聘请了一个广播专家和戴维·阿克塞尔罗德美化其个人形象,促进其思想的传播。而戴维·阿克塞尔罗德是奥巴马总统的顾问,帮他连任了两届大选。但从他在欧洲大选前那几场采访中尴尬的表现来看,上述两目标恐怕是要泡汤了。But that problem is older than Labours poll slump. Instead, three things seem to account for the partys recent woes. The specific one is that Labours propaganda machine is not working. Policy announcements have been rushed, too close together and quickly forgotten for lack of follow-up, sighs one Milibandite. A pledge to cut waiting times for doctors appointments was a case in point: unveiled with great fanfare on May 12th, it was not once mentioned by Mr Miliband in Prime Ministers Questions just two days later. Sometimes messages clash. Labours response to UKIP has ranged from cool dismissal to angry denouncement. An execrable electoral depicting the Liberal Democrats as the gullible stooges of evil Tory toffs collided head-on with Mr Milibands talk of making politics less petty.但是问题远比工党持率滑坡来的历史久远。相反,有三件事似乎可以解释工党最近的不振。尤其是因为工党的宣传不起作用。一位米利班德持者叹道,政治宣传太过急躁,政治结盟太过亲密,以及太快忘掉自己没什么跟随者。政府担保削减就医预约时间就是一个例子:政府的这个保,在5月12日出台,颇受人民欢迎。仅仅两天之后,在首相问答环节上,米利班德就提到了这个问题。两方是不是会就这个问题进行交锋。针对英国独立党的问题,工党的回应介于冷冷的不予理会,与愤怒的公开谴责之间。拙劣的竞选视频把自民党描绘为上当的傀儡,夹在邪恶的保守党与米利班德正面交锋之间,而米利班德正致力于促使政策登上大台面。A bigger problem is that Labours central economic message, that the recovery is failing to lift living standards, is running out of road. Real wages are beginning to emerge from their long slump, making people feel, if not richer, at least not poorer. And Labour lacks a fall-back argument: the party has done little over the past years to dispel the reputation for spendthrift ineptitude that it acquired during the financial crisis. The Tories lead over the opposition on economic competence has grown from two to 14 points in the past year.工党还有一个更大的问题,那就是中央经济报文的作用已经穷途末路,变革没能使生活标准有所提高。实际工资正渐渐从漫长的经济不景气中复苏,使民众觉得:既然没有更富,那至少也没再穷下去。并且工党缺少备用方案:这些年来,面对经济危机中而得的愚笨浪子臭名,工党并未好好去改变。经济上,保守党领先其反对党,由去年的2%增至14%。Finally, as the general election approaches, the main job of the opposition shifts from holding the government to account to proposing an alternative. But Labours messages remain deeply negative and gloomy. It has repeatedly told people how much they are being ripped off by energy firms and other businesses, but has failed to put forward a hopeful vision of a prosperous Britain, grumble internal malcontents. Patrick Diamond, a former policy adviser to the party, adds that by taking advantage of public mistrust of business, Labour is at best telling voters what they aly know (that the party cares about the little guy). At worst it risks alienating those working in the private sector.最后,随着大选的临近,在野党的主要任务从把持政权,转变成了提出第二选择。但工党方面的消息仍旧非常负面和悲观。英国一些对现状不满的群众发牢骚道,人们被反复告知他们的钱被剥削的数额,而罪魁祸首就是能源企业和一些其他公司,但是人们并没有在经济繁荣的英国看到充满希望的前景。帕特里克·戴蒙德是一名前党内政策顾问,他补充道,通过利用公众对商业的不信任,工党最好还是告知选民自己所得到的消息(即政党很关注那个小人)。最糟糕也不过是承担与私营部门决裂的风险。These three problems add up to one big one: although voters like the partys individual policies, they do not like the overall image that these convey. Until Labour corrects this, says Deborah Mattinson of Britain Thinks, a polling outfit, the gush of announcements may do it more harm than good. If people do not trust the party in the first place, she argues, they just see these as craven attempts to win their votes. The Conservatives, by contrast, can trade on their overall competence. “They are not out to please people,” one swing voter told Ms Mattinson, and “that means they can just get on with it.”这三个问题加在一起,就成了一个大问题:虽然选民持工党的独立政策,但对于整体形象的呈现却并不看好。狄波拉·马丁森来自调查机构Britain Thinks,她认为,除非工党修正了这些问题,不然各个声明的涌现只能帮倒忙。她认为,如果一开始民众就不信任政党,他们就会视这些软弱的努力只是为了赢得选票。相比之下,保守党可以好好利用他们的整体竞争力。一位摇摆不定的选民告诉狄波拉道,“他们并非试图讨好民众,这意味着他们只能继续进行下去。”译者 周雨晴 校对 徐珍a 译文属译生译世 /201508/391851。
  • Breaking up the Treasury财政部分裂Your money or your life要钱还是要命?The knives are out for Whitehalls mightiest department利刃直指白厅最强大的部门TONY BLAIR once kidnapped a civil servant. It was 2005 and the then prime minister, who was heading to EU budget talks in Luxembourg, needed an economic expert. So he purloined a Treasury official. The reluctant bureaucrat was later dumped in Paris without passport or money, recalls Jonathan Powell, a former adviser, in his book “The New Machiavelli”. Oddly, the man “just wanted our assurance that we wouldnt tell the Treasury that he had been travelling with us.” If the news got out, his career could have ended.托尼·布莱尔曾绑架过一位公务员。这发生在2005年,当时正前往卢森堡参加欧盟预算谈判的首相急需一位经济专家。所以他带走了一名财政部官员。据前任顾问乔纳森·鲍威尔在他的书作《新马基雅弗利》中回忆,那位本就不情不愿的官员在巴黎被丢下,不仅没有护照,更是身无分文。可奇怪的是,他“只想我们保不会告诉财政部他与我们同行。”如果消息走漏,他的事业也就完蛋了。The tale illustrates the potency of Britains finance ministry, which has long wielded more power than its international counterparts—or, it sometimes seems, the prime ministers office. In the post-war years the Treasury was a hub for Keynesian demand management. Under Margaret Thatcher it became the engine room of a monetarist revolution. It commandeered social policy during Mr Blairs administration. Now it oversees austerity, the lodestar of the coalition government.这个故事正说明了英国财政部的权势,它的权利涉及范围之广已超过它的国际同行,有时似乎更甚于首相办公室。在战后几年财政部曾是凯恩斯主义需求管理的中心。在玛格丽特·撒切尔任职期间,财政部成为了货币改革的中流砥柱。布莱尔手下行政机构的社会政策也被它霸占。如今它监视财政紧缩,这正是联合政府的目标。Yet a report published on September 4th, “The Destruction of HM Treasury”, says Whitehalls leviathan should count its days. The two authors know their stuff. Stian Westlake directs policy at the National Endowment for Science, Technology and the Arts, a charity taken seriously by Treasury types. Giles Wilkes was an adviser to Vince Cable, the business secretary.但是9月4日出版的报告《英国财政部的破坏》指出白厅兴风作浪的时日无多了。报告的两位作者有非常确切的报告素材。他们分别是斯蒂安·韦斯特莱克和贾尔斯·韦尔克斯,前者在国家科学、技术和艺术基金会指导政治,因为这个基金会是由财政部严肃对待的慈善项目。后者曾担任商务部长维斯·凯的顾问。Mr Westlake and Mr Wilkes argue that the rhythm of twice-yearly financial statements, in the budget and the autumn statement, makes the Treasury short-term in outlook and prone to headline-grabbing wheezes. Moreover, all three main parties have embraced the interventionist “sector strategies” championed by Michael Heseltine on the right and Lord Adonis on the left. Because the Treasury detests that sort of economic meddling, politicians have it in their sights. The departments functions might, the authors suggest, be distributed to an expanded prime ministers office, a stronger business department and a dedicated finance ministry.韦斯特莱克和韦尔克斯在预算和秋季声明中辩解道,财务报表一年两次的节奏是财政部短期之内在前景和倾向方面的头条伎俩。另外,三个主要党派均已与右翼代表迈克尔·赫塞尔廷和左翼代表阿多尼斯勋爵共同掌管的干预性“部门策略”合作。因为财政部憎恨的正是这种经济干预,而这正在政客们的掌控之中。两位作者还猜测,这个新的部门的作用或许是用来扩大首相办公室的权利,建立起一个更强大的商务部和一个专用的财政部。A plan to dismantle the Treasury was pitched to—and well received by—senior Labour figures at a private seminar last winter. Shadow cabinet ministers talk eagerly about the idea, though in the ruling Conservative and Liberal Democrat parties it is more a niche interest.在去年冬天的一个非公开研讨会上制定了一个针对工党高级官员的拆除财政部计划,这个计划也被这些官员欣然接受。尽管这对执政的保守党和自由民主党来说只是小众兴趣,但并不妨碍影子内阁的部长们对这个计划讨论的热火朝天。Even if any of this comes to pass, however, the Treasurys mandarins will remember that governments have tried to trim their wings before. Harold Wilsons Labour government set up a new Department of Economic Affairs to rival the Treasury. It too was supposed to concentrate on long-term planning, and it too was created partly for political reasons, to appease the ambitions of George Brown, the perpetually tired and emotional deputy leader of the party. The Treasury fought it, and won. Brown moved to the Foreign Office and the upstart department was unceremoniously closed down in 1969. The lesson? Never underestimate the power, and self-interest, of the Treasury.但即便这个计划的任何一条被通过,财政部的官员们将会明白政府曾试图折断他们的羽翼。哈罗德·威尔逊手下的工党政府成立了一个新的经济事务部门来对抗财政部。这个部门应该也是致力于长期的计划,而且它也是因部分政治原因而建立起来的,用来满足疲惫不堪且情绪化的党派副领导人乔治·布朗的野心。财政部与之对抗并最终胜利。布朗调到外交部,而自命不凡的经济事务部于1969年关闭。这一课教给我们什么呢?绝对不要小觑财政部的利欲熏心。译者:邵夏沁 校对:崔梦雪译文属译生译世 /201507/383553。
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